Showing posts with label Rowntrees. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Rowntrees. Show all posts

Thursday, 15 August 2019

When Joseph met Julia: A Rowntree Love Story

Written by Sarah Moses, Archives Trainee

In the Rowntree Victorian Correspondence, there are a number of letters revealing details about the relationship between Joseph Rowntree and Julia Seebohm from meeting in York as school pupils (although they had probably known each other since early childhood) to Julia’s untimely death at the age of 22.

Julia Elizabeth Seebohm was born in Bradford on 6 March 1841, the daughter of Benjamin Seebohm and his wife Esther (née Wheeler). Benjamin, a Quaker, had moved from Germany to Bradford in 1814 at the request of English Quakers, who had valued his role as an interpreter for them while they visited his local area and other parts of Europe. Esther was the granddaughter of William Tuke of York.


The young Julia Seebohm (JRF Rowntree Photographs)


Julia was educated at the York Quarterly Meeting Girls’ School in Castlegate (later The Mount School) between 1854 and 1856, where she was a close friend of Hannah Rowntree. Julia often visited the Rowntree family during this time, as is reflected in her letters. This letter to her mother in May 1854 is just one example:

‘My dearest mother,
I must now begin to write to thee as I have a small portion of time to spare & I shall not have much time tomorrow for I am going to Joseph Rowntree’s to dinner & tea with Hannah and Libby [...]’ (RFAM/JS/VC/2/20)

In the spring of 1857, Julia became reacquainted with Joseph Rowntree at her brother Frederic’s home in Hitchin. Few of Joseph and Julia’s letters from this period survive but, using letters from their friends, we can piece together something of their relationship. In April 1858, Julia’s school friend Sarah Hannah Grimshaw wrote:

‘[...] I suppose thou wilt have heard that M. A. Ashby is going to be married to one of the Richardsons. Does it not seem queer that one of my schoolfellows should be married; but does thou know I have heard of another? A more intimate friend of mine whom thou art very well acquainted with intending to do the same. If there is any truth in it of course thou will know of it better than any one. Joseph Rowntree Jun[ior] being her intended. I am a little impertinent puss to tease poor mousey so am I not? If I did not think thee very merciful perhaps I should not dare to do it. [...]’ (RFAM/JS/VC/17/19)

Nearly four years later after this letter was written, Joseph and Julia became engaged. Joseph’s draft letter (with corrections) to his future parents-in-law requesting their daughter’s hand in marriage is found in our Rowntree Family Letters Archive:

‘My dear Friends, Benjamin & Esther Seebohm

I am about to ask your kind attention to a subject of great importance and one that has for a long time engaged my warmest interest. 

From an early period of my acquaintance with ^your dear^ Julia, indeed whilst she was at York School, I formed a warm attachment for her, & have cherished the hope that she might be the right partner for me in life. I have deeply felt the importance of the subject, & it has often engaged my earnest prayerful consideration with the desire for the Lord’s guidance in it.

For some years past Julia has never been long absent from my thoughts; increased acquaintance has heightened my estimate of her character, my affections are deeply engaged and I now ask your permission to address her on the subject.

I trust you will allow me to express my feelings to Julia in writing & I indulge the hope that an early visit to London, which I have in prospect, may afford the opportunity of our meeting.
The subject of this letter has the warm approval of my dear Mother who wishes to write in dear love to you. [...] Jos R’ (Rowntree Family Letters, Bundle 4d)

The proposal letter from Joseph Rowntree 

 
During their engagement, Joseph and Julia appear to have written to each other almost daily and, as their wedding day approached, their thoughts turned towards arrangements for their big day. In this letter from June 1862, Joseph writes to his fiancée about her wedding attire:

‘[...] As to thy wedding dress, darling, thou will look so well in anything that it does not make much matter what thou has (within certain limits). I have no obligation to a white silk & it seems as though this might save a good deal of trouble. [...]’ (RFAM/JR/VC/6/5)

Joseph and Julia married on 15 August 1862 in the Friends’ Meeting House in Hitchin. They then moved into ‘Top House’ at Bootham, York, the home of Joseph’s mother Sarah (although the house had been divided into two sections, giving the young couple some privacy). 

Joseph and Julia Rowntree (JRF Rowntree Photographs)

Nine months later, their daughter Julia Seebohm (known as ‘Lillie’) was born. Julia’s health, never particularly strong, rapidly deteriorated after Lillie’s birth and Joseph sent them both to Scarborough, hoping for some improvement. At the end of August 1863, Julia returned to York and fell desperately ill. She died on 19 September 1863, most likely of meningitis. 

Joseph’s grief is illustrated in some of his letters, including this one to his mother-in-law less than a fortnight after Julia’s death:

‘[...] It is only 4 weeks today since our darling came home from Scarb[o]ro[ugh] looking then indeed very ill, but able to enter with intense feeling into the enjoyments of her home. Sometimes when alone the past comes before me so vividly that I hardly know how to bear the train of recollections that pour in & I have to bury myself in a book, or take refuge in dear Mother’s dining room. 

I feel that there is a left hand & a right hand temptation to struggle against - on the one hand not to allow myself to become swallowed up in the common round of daily occupations & on the other not to become selfish or morbid by too much cherishing my sorrow […] by allowing the spring of action to be weakened by the constant sense of very heavy bereavement.

But this is an egotistical letter. I felt for you going back to your home which can never more be brightened by your daughter being present & thy kind letter of this morning, for which Mother wished me to thank thee, brought your loneliness again before me. [...]’ (RFAM/JR/VC/8/2)

Joseph's mother Sarah Rowntree with baby Lillie
(JRF Rowntree Photographs)

 
But life continued. Joseph’s sister Hannah came to live with him and help to care for his young daughter Lillie. When Lillie was almost 11 months old, Joseph wrote to his mother-in-law:

‘[...] If my little pet looks as well when thou sees her as she looks this morning after breakfast thou will think her a noble little grandchild. Hannah professes to be anxious ab[ou]t her getting so plump. H thinks the chicken does not mean to learn to crawl but will walk without passing through this stage. [...]’

A few years later, Joseph met Julia’s cousin Emma Antoinette Seebohm (known as ‘Tonie’) in Hitchin, where she was learning English. They married on 14 November 1867 and Tonie moved into ‘Top House’. Lillie was now 5 years old and she wrote the following letter to her father and stepmother while they were on their honeymoon:

‘Dashwood Road, 
Banbury.

Nov 24. 1867

My dear Papa & Mama,

I have seen some peacocks in the gardens of Roxton Abbey. I send some feathers & one is a brown one & one is a blue & brown. They both are very soft. And I got a great many chestnuts & Suzanna is very well but Effie is ’nt. Effie has got a cold, and one is a brown feather & the other is brown & white on the top. I am very happy here & I hope you will come in the morning when I am chalking & Suzanna laid by me.

We have such a funny game & one ball has to be on the top in such a funny heap & we have to try to knock it  (& it is called Chinese Bagalille) & I am sure I like to be at Banbury. We went such a very beauty ride yesterday & we saw some cows & two such queer ducks & a man fed the ducks & we saw more than two ducks. The cows were in a field & we went over such a queer little bridge, two bridges.

Tantie has just had a letter from Grandmamma & she says John & Mable fighted together so that Cousin Pollie had to open the door, because they were so naughty & one came out, & sat a very long time out of the cage, & I am sure Topsy is very silly & I am sure Charlie sings very much. And we went to see a house yesterday & it had some ivy on & Tantie went to see the lady. I send as many loves & kisses as you like.

Your loving little daughter

Lillie’ (RFAM/JR/VC/9/1)

Lillie Rowntree (JRF Rowntree Photographs)


Sadly, Lillie died of scarlet fever on 16 May 1869, bringing the last living memory of Joseph and Julia’s relationship to an end. After this decade full of both happiness and sadness, however, Joseph and Tonie (and their own children) lived happily for many years. But that story is told elsewhere.


Thursday, 25 July 2019

A Few Lines from America: The Letters of Julia Rowntree


By Sarah Moses, Archive Trainee

Benjamin Seebohm (father of Joseph Rowntree’s first wife Julia Seebohm) was born in Friedenthal, near Bad Pyrmont, Germany, on 20 February 1798. He came into contact with English-speaking Friends (Quakers) at a young age through his parents’ invitations to English and American Friends to visit their small group living around Minden and Bad Pyrmont. 

Benjamin’s father Ludwig had acted as interpreter during Friends’ visits but, due to Ludwig’s illness in 1814, Benjamin was asked to serve in his place during the visit of French-born American Friend Stephen Grellet. He soon adopted this role once again for a group of English Friends, including Sarah Hustler of Bradford. Benjamin was asked to interpret during their visits elsewhere in Europe, and was then requested to accompany them back to England. He soon became part of the Hustler household in Bradford, moving into their family business as a wool merchant. 

The young Benjamin Seebohm 

In 1831 Benjamin married Esther Wheeler, a granddaughter of prominent York Quaker William Tuke. Benjamin and Esther had four children who survived to adulthood: Henry (born in 1832), Frederic (born in 1833), Benjamin (born in 1839) and Julia (born in 1841).

Benjamin’s gift for ministry was acknowledged in the early 1820s, and he visited many parts of Great Britain, Ireland and North America to speak at Meetings, often staying away from home for many months at a time. One visit in particular had a significant impact on Benjamin and his family: his visit to North America from October 1846 to July 1851.

Many of Benjamin’s experiences during this visit (and Esther’s unhappiness during his absence) are recorded in ‘Private Memoirs of B. and E. Seebohm’ - a volume of recollections, memoranda and correspondence edited by their sons and published in 1872.

Concerning Benjamin’s departure for America, the boys wrote:
‘In 1846 the news was broken to us at school that our father was going, probably for some years, to America. During the summer holidays he took our mother and two of us a tour in Germany, to take leave of his relations at Friedensthal, Minden, and Hamburg. […] When in October the time of departure came, we were summoned home from school. Never shall we forget his solemn and touching farewell sermon at meeting on the last Sunday morning; the sorrowful evening, when it was so hard to all to be cheerful; the next morning, when the carriage came to bear him away; the long embrace between him and our mother; the wave of his handkerchief, as he drove out of sight; and how we, the mother and weeping children, were left alone with a sense of blank which was to last for years. What the sacrifice was to our mother in thus sparing him for years from her side, no one can tell. The worst was, that though our father had spared no pains to secure, as far [as] it could be, that she should be free from anxiety, and had left his affairs in as small a compass as circumstances would admit, yet during his absence one anxiety came after another, and she, as so often had been the case before, had to breast it alone’ (pp.47-48).

In one of the first letters sent to her husband during his voyage, Esther described her sense of loss, while admitting the necessity of Benjamin’s travel to North America to aid the Quaker ministry there. ‘My mind has generally been favoured with quietness since thou left, though I have felt very low these last few days, and perhaps shall more and more realise the loss of my dearest earthly treasure; and yet I desire to regard it less as a loss than a loan to Him who in His great kindness put me in possession of it’ (p.178).

Benjamin reached land on 5 November 1846, arriving in Halifax, Nova Scotia. His travels took him all over North America but he spent much of his time in Philadelphia. As mentioned above, these journeys are vividly described in ‘Private Memoirs of B. and E. Seebohm’.

Julia Seebohm, aged 6


On 14 April 1849, halfway through his visit, Benjamin wrote to his eight-year-old daughter Julia to tell her about his recent travels around Union Springs, Albany and New York. (He wrote many letters to his children during this time but this is the only one in our Victorian Correspondence files. See below for a full transcript of this letter - RFAM/JS/VC/1/1.) Beginning his journey in Union Springs on Cayuga Lake, Benjamin soon arrived in Auburn, where he visited the prison - home to more than 500 convicts and namesake of the ‘Auburn system’, in which silence was enforced at all times. 

He then travelled onwards to Albany, where he was introduced to the Governor of New York, Hamilton Fish, and ‘an Indian Chief of the Cayuga tribe’. Benjamin describes this man as being ‘fine looking’ and ‘dressed a little like an Indian’ but he appears to have enjoyed their meeting and encourages Julia to ask ‘Grandfather Robson’ - presumably Thomas Robson, the father of her uncle Isaac Robson, who was married to Julia’s maternal aunt, Sarah Wheeler - about ‘these poor people who formerly inhabited the land now occupied by the whites’. Benjamin left Albany aboard a steamer named ‘The Isaac Newton’ and, on arriving in New York, visited an old friend and attended two Quaker Meetings before travelling to Philadelphia for the Yearly Meeting.

Benjamin finally left North America at the beginning of July 1851 but memories of his visit remained in the minds of Friends he had met. Our Victorian Correspondence files contain two letters written by Margaret C Kimber of Philadelphia to Benjamin’s daughter Julia in the early 1860s. (Full transcripts of both letters are included below - RFAM/JS/VC/27/1 and RFAM/JS/VC/27/2.)

Julia Seebohm

 
In her first letter, dated 2 December 1860, Margaret updates Julia on various Friends, Quaker Meetings and missionary visits. However, she also mentions the changing political climate in America, stating that the ‘great “republican” victory in the last Presidential election [...] has thrown our southern states into a tumult’ and increased the probability of ‘a northern and southern confederacy, in which event, our Baltimore friends fear Maryland will go with the south’. Despite ‘almost everyone [being] apprehensive as to what may be in store for us’, Margaret takes comfort in knowing that ‘our country is at the disposal of none of the conflicting parties, but that her future is controlled by a merciful and all wise Providence who [...] will bring that which seemeth to Him good’.

On a lighter note, Margaret’s mother appears to have taken great delight in telling American shopkeepers about the ‘better articles she saw in the shops in England’ during her travels there; whereas Englishman William Lean declared that American bookstores were ‘more complete, extensive and well-arranged than he had seen them at home’.

Julia Seebohm and Joseph Rowntree


Three years later, Margaret wrote again to Julia, who had now become both a wife and a mother following her marriage to Joseph Rowntree and the birth of their daughter Lillie. Little did Margaret know as she wrote this letter, sent from Haverford on 12 August 1863, that her ‘dear Julia’ would be dead - most likely of meningitis - little more than a month later.

As with her previous letter, Margaret recounts the activities of her family and other Friends, including her own involvement with the First Day School system, which she describes as ‘a great privilege as well as a great responsibility’. She then updates Julia on the political situation in America and the ‘drafting for the war’. A visit from some Friends from North Carolina both saddened and strengthened Margaret and those around her. One visitor in particular related the experiences of his two brothers in Kingston, ‘who were kept without food or water for four days & four nights, but who wrote to their friends that they did not suffer, for they had bread from Heaven to eat, and their Master himself was with them by night and day’. Margaret was unwavering in her support for the President, Abraham Lincoln, and declares her ‘respect and love’ for him ‘with this honest homely ways, his unambitious purity of motive, and his full faith in Providence’.

Finally, Margaret writes about her interest in ‘the colored people’, stating ‘it is grand to see a nation emerging from slavery’. She continues by mentioning the officers of the ‘colored regiments’, whom she views as ‘men of great moral as well [as] of physical courage’, and trusts that the ‘wicked politicians [who] for their own purposes are trying to incite the foreign population against them [...] will not be allowed to do any permanent harm’.

As for Benjamin Seebohm, his feelings during the American Civil War are recorded in the ‘Private Memoirs of B. and E. Seebohm’:
‘During the period of the American War his feelings of sympathy with his many American friends were warmly excited. The daily newspaper was always lying on his table, and frequently the memoranda of his own American journeys. He kept up a correspondence with some of his Philadelphia friends in particular. His political feelings went ardently and throughout with the North, much as he sorrowed over the war itself. He was deeply grieved at the hasty and unwise words of some leading English politicians upon the triumphs of the South, and never lost his faith that the right would prevail, and Slavery come to an end. True as were his sympathies for the American people, his love of his “Friends” in the United States was equally constant, and seldom did anything give him greater enjoyment than the visits he received from those who from time to time visited this country’ (pp.57-58).


Benjamin Seebohm


In the years following his visit to America, Benjamin wrote several volumes, including ‘Memoirs of the life and gospel labours of Stephen Grellet’ - whom he had met in Germany so many years before - and ‘Memoirs of William Forster’, and worked as editor of the ‘Annual Monitor’ (a list of the deaths of British Quakers) between 1855 and 1878. He continued to travel to speak at Meetings until 1870 and, following a bronchial affliction, he died on 2 June 1871, and his body was interred in the Friends’ burial ground in Hitchin, Hertfordshire.

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Transcript of RFAM/VC/JS/1/1 from Benjamin Seebohm to his daughter Julia Seebohm

My darling Julia

Tho’ I write thee a pretty long letter by the last steamer, and have not time to say much now, I must just tell thee that we have got back again to the fine city of Philadelphia, where we have many kind friends who are glad to see us. We left Union Springs, on Cayuga Lake, last second day morning & went to a nice town called Auburn to take the rails for Albany, but before we set off from there we paid a visit to a large prison near the town, where more than 500 convicts are confined - as a punishment for various crimes which they have been found guilty of. They are not allowed to speak to one another, but are employed in making a great variety of things for sale, such as carpets, wigs[?], tools, machinery, saddles etc etc. They have a minister of the Gospel and two school masters to instruct them & try to make them better and I was glad to hear that many of them are quite reformed, and have become Christians. When we had paid our visit to the prison we took our places in the cars & arrived at Albany quite early in the morning. We had to wait a long time for the steamboat that was to take us to New York, & were introduced to the Governor of the State of New York whose name is Fish. We found in his room an Indian Chief of the Cayuga tribe. He was a fine looking man, dressed a little like an Indian. He seemed pleased to shake hands with us & we liked to talk to him a little. I dare say Grandfather Robson can tell thee a little more about these poor people who formerly inhabited the land now occupied by the whites. When we were at Charles Howland on Cayuga Lake a nice little boy about 10 years old, the son of a friend of the name of Richard Small from England, fell into the lake and was drowned. We attended his funeral, & had a very large Meeting - a great many of the town people coming to it. Children ought to be very careful not to go near the water. His poor father & mother & two sisters were very much disturbed & we tried to comfort them.

We left Albany in a very fine steamer called “The Isaac Newton” & we had nearly 500 passengers. When we arrived at New York, I went to see a dear aged friend, Eliz[abe]th Coggeshall, with whom I first came to England, many years ago, & she enquired about my dear little Julia & his dear Mother & brothers. I had just got your letters & would tell her a little about you all. She sent her love to dear Mamma & aunt Sarah, & Uncle & Grandfather Robson. We were at two Meetings at New York & then came here to attend the Yearly Meeting. 

In a few days I hope to hear again from you all. I am very glad that thou art so happy with dear Aunt Sarah, & hope thou writes to dear dear Mamma and gets good accounts from her & thy dear brothers. I do love thee, very much, my darling & hope thou art trying to be very good. Give my dear love to Uncle & Aunt & Grandfather & Henry & Joshua, and particularly to dear Henry, Fred & Benjy when thou writes to them. Farewell my precious Julia Elizabeth. Thy affectionate father
Benj[amin] Seebohm

Philadelphia 4/14/49

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Transcript of RFAM/VC/JS/27/1 from Margaret C Kimber to Julia Seebohm

Philadelphia
12 mo. 2nd 1860

My dear Julia,

As I was sitting alone this evening, mother brought me to read a letter lately received from thy dear father, with a nice note enclosed from thy mother. It was most pleasant to hear from you and I felt tempted to write a few lines to thee, without having anything on my mind but a little chat! Thou will like to know Eliza Barclay and party are spending a pleasant week with us in Filbert St. E. P. Gurney is making her home at John M Whitall’s opposite, and we see much of her. They are quite interested in our city, its society, institutions etc and it is a great pleasure to us all, to have their company. John Henry is full of life and spirits, and having purchased a little American pistol to take home, which he was kind enough to exhibit and explain to my boys, has become in their eyes a hero of the first magnitude.

Our weather has been at times extremely cold for the early winter, and we were quite satisfied to leave the country on the 18th of last month, although on many accounts we regretted the change. The quiet of the country we had thoroughly enjoyed, and the uninterrupted evenings were seasons of much [home] endearment for parents & children. I do not know whether the distinction between country and town socially, is so broadly marked with you as it is with us. You are so much more thickly settled, that perhaps there are few places where there is not society, and your towns are so much larger, that there may be retirement in the crowd. We have this winter a large Bible class, it meets here weekly. Since coming from England my father takes great interest in it, and in the First day school, of which he is now considered superintendent. We are very glad to have him, as before we were feeling rather young and inexperienced. 

Samuel Shipley & Anna sometimes come in from the country to meet us. Thy father will like to know that Samuel [Kettle] and my uncle Tho[ma]s Wiston have just returned from a visit to Muncy. They have been among families of friends in that mountainous country, and although Sam[uel] Kettle was taken quite ill in a very remote & inaccessible place, (with the nearest doctor, thirty miles distant, and the snow deep on the roads) he was favoured to recover, and accomplish his labors to the satisfaction of his friends.

Francis King has been spending a day or two here. He is in much trouble at the political aspect of things. If thou takes any interest in American affairs, thou may have noticed our great “republican” victory in the last Presidential election. This has thrown our southern states into a tumult, and filled them with foreboding as to the destiny of their peculiar institution.

There is now much threatening, and an increasing probability of a secession, and the formation of a northern & southern confederacy, in which event, our Baltimore friends fear Maryland will go with the south. They think they scarcely could live there, in such event as this, and yet they are not ready to think of leaving their homes. Business men everywhere are dull and almost everyone is apprehensive as to what may be in store for us. It is a great comfort however to reflect that our country is at the disposal of none of the conflicting parties, but that her future is controlled by a merciful and all wise Providence who out of all this seeming chaos of human opinions and actions, will bring that which seemeth to Him good.

We were very glad to hear of the safe arrival at home of your Prince of Wales. The voyage was a long one, but as it has proved safe, a touch of sea life would do very well. I am often amused at my dear papa. He looked upon the journey to England as something very formidable, but now it is over, he thinks he should not at all mind taking another trip. Even mother who was so timid, seems now to think nothing of the dangers of the sea. They talk much about England, and we have many little things in daily use to remind us of their travels. I tell mother she will quite displease our American shop keepers, by telling them how much better articles she saw in the shops in England. W[illia]m Lean however, who is with J. H. Backhouse, was liking our book stores very much the other day, and thought them more complete, extensive & well arranged than he had seen them at home.

I am glad to hear the labour of the Annual monitor was concluded for the season. We scarcely think in looking at these little returns, how much care & toil they involve. Coming so soon after the long work of the Grellet memoirs, I hope it may not wear too much on thy dear father’s strength.
I hope at this time you may be enjoying, as hinted in the letter, a visit to thy brothers in the South. I think my parents were not at Hitchin.

Dear Julia, I must conclude - do write at some leisure time.

I must renewedly acknowledge all your nice presents to us, the beautifully bound books, the pitcher, and the children’s cards & toys. When I wrote before I had not seen them all, for I was afraid to have them sent to us in the country, lest something should happen, and they were waiting for us in town. With much love to all your family, in which Anthony unites, thy attached friend, M. C. Kimber

Eliza Barclay desires her love to you all, and hopes to write if she finds time. Mother says “how I wish I had urged dear Julia to come home with us, and now she could have returned with Eliza Barclay.” How much we should have enjoyed it, if it could have been so.

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Transcript of RFAM/VC/JS/27/2 from Margaret C Kimber to Julia Seebohm

Haverford
8 mo. 12th 1863.

It has been long, dear Julia, since we have heard directly from each other, how long I can scarcely tell. Thy letter as the last, and I have not been doing myself justice to be silent so long. I think of you all so often and with such an unvarying feeling of interest and affection. How I should delight again to meet your family circle, so enlarged since we were with you. Do write and tell me of thy new home. I should so like to hear of it. Is it not one of the compensations of leaving home to receive a visit from our parents. I do not think we have a greater pleasure than to have such at times. We are now boarding for a few weeks in the neighborhood of Haverford College. Sister Mary with her family are at Germantown, a few miles from us. My Father and Mother are at Newport for the summer, and have with them our eldest boy, we hope to join them there before long. We have just been reading with interest, the report of the First day School Conference at Leeds. I noticed thy husband’s name and thy own among those who attended.

We held a much smaller Conference in Philadelphia during our last Yearly Meeting, which we enjoyed very much. The cause with us is still in its early beginnings. Our school at 12th St Meeting is doing well. We have taught for three years, and find it deeply interesting. We sometimes think the good results are more noticeable among the teachers than among the scholars in our city, that it has proved as an anchor to some in times of unsettlement can be said very truly. My dear husband has a class of boys of the same age as our own, and including them; as a reward of good conduct they take tea with us occasionally. They are all friends or professors. My own class are young girls of nineteen or twenty. They are all birthright members of our Society, but little more. It is a great privilege as well as a great responsibility to have such a charge. I do not know whether thou met with Mary Bettle when in England. We missed her very much while away. She is one of our best and most indefatigable teachers. 

We are feeling much now on account of the drafting for the war. Many of our friends have had the lot to fall upon them. What their fate will be we do not know, but most of them are very firm, and some hopeful and trusting that if the trials of old are to fall to their portion, the promises and consolations will also be fully realized.

My cousin Wiston Brown was drafted last week. We were very much strengthened and cheered by the company of the friends from North Carolina. They have suffered so much, have borne such a noble testimony in the midst of the rebel army, and have been so wonderfully preserved, that it has been deeply instructive to us all. W[illia]m Stockett was relating to us the account of his two brothers, who were kept without food or water for four days & four nights, but who wrote to their friends that they did not suffer, for they had bread from Heaven to eat, and their Master himself was with them by night and day. They are still in cruel confinement in Kingston North Carolina. There is good hope that this state will return to the Union at an early day, when we trust there dear friends with their families may be relieved from their sufferings. The five young men who were with us are all in poor health, having contracted disease and cold from long marches and exposure. Three have gone to their friends in the west, two who are too unwell to travel are still with us. In regard to the great revolution through which our country is passing, our hearts are bound up with the cause of our government and the cause of freedom. We respect and love our President with his honest homely ways, his unambitious purity of motive, and his full faith in Providence. We believe it is in the divine ordering that such a man at the present crisis should be the head of our government, and we feel anxious to support his administration to the extent our consciences will allow.

For the colored people we are deeply interested. It is grand to see a nation emerging from slavery. Wicked politicians for their own purposes, are trying to incite the foreign population against them, but we trust they will not be allowed to do any permanent harm. My cousin in command at Yorktown, Virginia, writes my Uncle Thomas Wiston to try and find a friend to come out and take charge of 3000 freedmen within his lines. The colored regiments are steadily fighting their way up, we cannot help following them with interest. Their officers are men of great moral as well of physical courage, deeply interested in what they consider the Providential mode for the elevation of the race. The 54th Massachusetts were at Battery Wagner in front of Charleston, has a Lieutenant Colonel, and Captain from among our best Haverford boys (not friends) the first terribly wounded in the last assault.

I am afraid thou can not make out the cross writing dear Julia. Will thou give our love affectionately to every member of your family. Our special thanks to thy brother Fred for his acceptable gift of his book. We enjoyed it very much ourselves, and have made much use of it in lending to our friends. We have been very remiss not sooner to have acknowledged his kindness. My husband wrote to thy dear father last week. I hope it has reached him. Write to me soon dear Julia that I may learn to love thy English name. With kindest regards to thy husband. I am thy affectionate friend
Margaret C. Kimber


Thursday, 20 December 2018

Lawrence Rowntree – A Life in Letters (Part Two): ‘I have health & strength & can probably find some way of making myself useful at last, if I look for it.’

Written by Rosie Denton and Sally-Anne Shearn

Part one can be read here

‘I want to run over & have a talk with you sometime. I have been feeling more and more lately that I oughtn’t to be here.’ So began the letter that was to change the lives of Lawrence and his mother forever. It was January 1916 and Lawrence had been on active service with the Friends’ Ambulance Unit since the outbreak of war two years earlier. The FAU, a civilian volunteer ambulance service established by Quakers, provided vital medical support to the armed forces in extremely dangerous conditions and Laurie’s famous journal from this time, entitled ‘A Nightmare in Three Acts’, attests to the horrors he and his companions faced from their arrival in Dunkirk in October 1914. 

However by early 1915 Laurie was already beginning to have doubts about his vocation. In August 1914 he had written that he would do all he could, and offer himself ‘to what ever relief works are going,’ flatly rejecting the absolutist pacifism of some Quakers who refused to refused to play any part whatsoever in the war effort. ‘Although the horrors it entails are too great to be imagined, & one realises the wickedness of it all, still I consider it would be criminal to stand out & say “you have brought this war on your selves, I will do nothing.” For a medical student the FAU offered an honorable way to make a contribution to the war effort without engaging directly in armed conflict.



In January 1916, with military conscription looming and the war no closer to being won, he admitted to his mother that he was in the FAU rather than in the Army ‘because it was the only place that offered me the work I wanted, not because of my conscience, & I couldn’t go before a tribunal & say I was a conscientious objector.’ He goes on ‘I suppose everyone gets a call of some sort some time. I’ve been getting it for about nine months. I think it started when I met some men coming out of the trenches & I was in the car, but it’s been much stronger lately.’ He had waited ‘because I never felt before that I was really wanted, but now I am sure that I am more wanted there than here… Here am I, healthy & strong, doing work that any woman could do, when there is man’s work waiting.’ 

The letter to his mother in January 1916 in which Laurie first broached the subject of joining up.

We do not have Constance’s reply, but evidently she was as supportive of her son as she could be because Lawrence’s letter the following day begins ‘You really are an absolute brick, & you understand things better than anybody I know.’ He clearly felt great guilt for his decision and its impact on her however, adding ‘I am different to what you want me to be I know. I’m frightfully sorry, because I know it is an awful disappointment to thee, & I have tried to fall in with what you would like, but the call is too strong. It doesn’t go against my conscience: I wish it did, for thy sake, & if it did I would sooner die than do it.’ 

  Lawrence left the FAU the same month and enlisted in the army, just one of hundreds of Quakers to join the armed forces. After training, he returned to France in August 1916, this time as part of ‘C’ company of what would later become known as the Tank Corps. A month later Laurie was part of the first ever deployment of tanks in battle at Flers-Courcelette, part of the Battle of the Somme. His unit’s tank, nicknamed Creme de Menthe (film of the tank can be viewed here), took part in a successful attack on a sugar factory but Laurie was wounded and returned briefly to Britain to convalesce at Edinburgh’s Royal Infirmary where his recent deployment aroused a great deal of curiosity; ‘The old tanks seem to be creating a lot of interest. Nobody knows anything detailed about them & it is amusing to hear some of the extraordinary things they say.’ It was during his time at Edinburgh that Laurie decided to apply for a commission, subsequently becoming a 2nd Lieutenant in the Royal Field Artillery. 



His letters from the Front between 1916 and 1917 are frequent and detailed, despite the occasional liberal application of the censor’s black ink. They show his characteristic sense of humour. Of his regular post from York he wrote in 1916: ‘The postal staff have got into the habit of expecting at least one for me every day & they weep bitter tears of disappointment if there isn’t. The record was sustained yesterday by one which arrived in a state of decomposition. In fact it looked as if it had been in a rather bad railway smash & arrived marked ‘died of wounds’. We gave it a decent burial, but no one present recognized the deceased. No inquest.’ In December that year he wrote that ‘Christmas day went off as well as we expected. Luckily we didn’t expect much because we didn’t get much.’ In a letter to his adventurous little sister Jean in early 1917 he simply added the postscript ‘P.S. Whatever you do, don’t.’ 

These flashes of humour belied the terrible strain of everyday life on the Western Front. Laurie writes of the discomfort of lice, trench foot and having to sleep in a gas mask during his stints in the trenches. After one such duty in August 1917 he wrote that it was ‘blessed peace coming back to a tent & green grass after rabbit warrens & mud & everlasting smell.’ In October he reported that he and his companions had got a gramophone going ‘to try & cheer us up’, expressing the hope that the war would not last out the winter. 

 However by November he seemed less optimistic, writing of poor weather and how everyone was ‘tired and ill’. On the 8th of that month, after another turn of duty on the front line, he wrote ‘it has been so bad that it was really impossible to write. I have practically done without sleep & altogether done without any sort of a wash.’ On his return to the wagon lines he was knocked down by a car and although it did no serious damage he found it very difficult to walk as a result. He wrote longingly of family Christmases, noting on the 22 December 1916 that ‘they (whoever they are) say that the third time is lucky. This will make the third Yule-tide that I have been absent from the family board so at that rate next year I ought to be there.’ 



It was not to be. On Friday 30 November 1917, Constance met up with her sister-in-law Isabella. She remarked that she had not heard from Laurie for nearly a week. At the point, Constance said, she did not mind if it was good news or bad news, just so long as there was news. The following morning, she received a telegram: Lawrence Rowntree had been killed during the 3rd Battle of Ypres (Passchendaele) on 25 November 1917, just three months before his 23rd birthday 

Over the following weeks Constance received nearly 130 condolence letters. She kept them all tied up in an old writing paper folder. Almost all of the letters commented on Laurie’s kindness and his caring nature. Many remarked on Laurie’s great love for his mother. His housemother from prep school who had recalled Laurie’s first reaction to hearing of his father’s death as being “But who will look after my mother?” imagined that he had had the same reaction upon finding himself in heaven. She was not the only writer to imagine Laurie in heaven. A prominent American Quaker who had known Laurie’s father wrote to Constance: ‘You raised Laurie alone for 12 years. Now it is John’s turn. And when you to ascend unto Heaven, they will be there waiting for you: the man you loved and the man you created together’. Constance’s best friend Winnie took a more practical approach, offering to have the then 12-year-old Jean to stay both immediately or over the upcoming Christmas holidays if it would help. Perhaps the most heartbreaking letter came from one of Constance’s childhood friends. She described Laurie as a kind and thoughtful young man, and she recalled her favourite memory of Laurie when, as a teenager, he had helped his mother host Christmas dinner. She offered her support and prayers. Then, at the bottom of the page, she simply wrote: ‘P.S. We have both now lost three apiece. Let’s not lose any more.’ 

A letter of condolence from Laurie's FAU comrades.

After receiving news of Laurie’s death his friend Roger Derby drove straight to Constance’s house to retrieve Laurie’s documents as he had promised. He subsequently wrote a series of four letters to Constance from different parts of the country explaining what he had done on Laurie’s behalf. This included selling Laurie’s Cambridge flat and furniture, collecting Tony from a friend’s house in Edinburgh, organising for Laurie’s bank account to be closed, and coordinating with the army for the return of Laurie’s belongings. In the final letter he writes that, with Dorothy’s permission, he has taken one of Laurie’s coats and a pair of gloves, as well as a photo of Laurie and Dorothy together that Laurie kept on his bedside table. He writes 'I will return them if you would like, but I would so like to have the photo to remember him by.'

Laurie and Dorothy

Constance wrote to Dorothy, Laurie’s fiancée, immediately after receiving the telegram, but she had already heard the news from Margaret, Laurie’s sister and Dorothy’s roommate. In her reply to Constance, whom she called her ‘other Mother’, she wrote that it was terrible news but not wholly unexpected. She was grateful for the time she and Laurie had had together and thanked Constance for ‘giving me your son, the most precious gift you could bestow,’ adding that she would aim to live a life worthy of Laurie so that when they met again in Heaven he would be proud of her. 

Three days letter, Dorothy wrote a second letter. This one read simply: 


Dear Other Mother,

This is far harder than I thought it would be, and I think I need my family around me. Could I come and stay?

Thy Other Daughter



A letter from Roger confirms that he drove to London to collect her the following morning.

Laurie’s other close friend, Richard, was serving in the trenches at the time and didn’t hear of his death until over a month later. It was only while on leave in Paris that he bumped into an old friend and was told the terrible news. He wrote to Constance immediately, apologising firstly for the delay and secondly for not knowing how to write a condolence letter, yet his letter is one of the most heartfelt that Constance received. He wrote that he frequently imagined life after the war. He daydreamed about returning to Cambridge and completing his medical degree, and envisioned his life beyond Cambridge. He had had many variations on this daydream, but in every single one of them Laurie was there with him. While Richard had considered that he personally might not survive the war, it had never even occurred to him that Laurie might not and he struggled to imagine a future without him. 

Richard did survive the war. He did indeed return to Cambridge and complete his studies. Roger also survived the war, despite returning briefly to France. He later invested in the railways, married and had a large family. Dorothy later married the brother of her another school roommate and went on to have two children. Margaret married only a month after Laurie’s death. It’s not clear if Laurie ever met her soon-to-be husband, but hopefully he would have approved of him! Tony also married in 1925. She continued to write through much of her life, and some of her scrapbooks and journals also survive in the Borthwick archives. True to Laurie’s word, they are funny and entertaining, and tell you precisely nothing about what she was actually doing on a day to day basis. 

It was Jean, however, who led perhaps the most adventurous life of the remaining siblings. After obtaining a history degree from Somerville College, Oxford, she briefly became a teacher but took a sabbatical in 1938 to help Jews and other vulnerable refugees fleeing the newly Nazi occupied Sudetenland.   This was, after all, the girl who had attempted to shoot down zeppelins from the roof of her house with an air rifle. Following her return to England in 1940 Jean joined the BBC. She served as a producer of educational programming for many years, retiring in the 1970s. A great advocate of education for all, she was instrumental in setting up the Open University and received an OBE in 1962.  Like Tony, she kept scrapbooks and journals throughout her life. She died in 2003, aged 97. 

Constance died in 1928 at the age of 56. True to her friend’s letter, her three remaining children all outlived her. 

But let’s not end with death. Instead, let’s end with and extract from my favourite of the letters Laurie wrote. On New Year’s Day 1917 Laurie wrote the following letter to the then 11 year old Jean: 


My Dear,

Happy New Year, and much good may it do you. I’m afraid I’ve been an awfully long time answering your letters and thanking you for the soap but I knew you wouldn’t mind my taking them in age order, and that way it takes some time to come round to you. When the only time one gets for writing is half an hour to an hour in the evening.


The soap was most acceptable. Thanks awfully. Also it was in a way a relief to get something that didn’t have to be eaten – at least I suppose some people might have eaten it, but I didn’t. I gave that up at the age of two in favour of more toothsome delicacies. 

You warned me not to eat too much turkey. Unnecessary, madam, for there was no turkey to eat. But you didn’t say anything about goose, so I ate too much of that. I got a lump of green stuff with it that I couldn’t make out until it struck me that it must be what they make pate de foie gras out of. Which as a luxury I consider to be overrated, besides entailing a certain amount of cruelty in its production. 

You haven’t told me if your heart is yearning particularly over anything in the shape of a Christmas present. If it is, acquaint me with the object. It will have to continue to yearn for a little while I’m afraid, but at the first possible opportunity it shall be procured if money can buy it. That last condition does not necessarily hold true. Don’t request an elephant or anything else of a ridiculous nature… 

Thy Loving Brother, 

Laurie

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A catalogue for the Lawrence Rowntree Archive will be available in early 2019.